Prologue: A war in the shadows


In mid-April 2023, the continental giant Sudan erupted into full-scale civil war, one that has neither dominated headlines nor triggered the global outrage its scale demands. The main protagonists are the country’s regular army, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), each backed by splintered regional and international interests.
What began as a power struggle swiftly morphed into something far darker, widespread attacks on civilians, ethnic-based violence, mass displacement, and the collapse of health, food and shelter systems. The old spectres of Darfur’s genocide linger, resurfacing in new locales like the fertile borderland of Al‑Fashaga.
This feature unpacks three intertwined strands: (1) the sheer scale of the human toll; (2) the particular horrors of al-Fashaga and similar contested zones; and (3) why the world’s moral gaze remained focused elsewhere while Sudan burned.
The human toll: counting the uncounted






To grasp the magnitude of the catastrophe, one must peer beyond the official counts. The data are scattered, incomplete, and often delayed, but nevertheless point to a calamity on a monumental scale.
A landmark study, by the London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine Sudan Research Group, estimated that more than 61,000 people died in Khartoum state alone between April 2023 and June 2024 , a 50 % increase over pre-war death rates. Of these, around 26,000 were estimated violent deaths. (Reuters)
The Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) recorded by November 2024 around 28,700 fatalities in Sudan’s conflict, including more than 7,500 civilians killed in direct attacks — but warned this was a massive undercount. (ACLED)
Displacement has been staggering: The International Organization for Migration (IOM) reported that over 14 million people, nearly 30 % of Sudan’s population, had been displaced (11 million internally, 3.1 million abroad) by late 2024. (AP News)
Gender-based violence is also grim: The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) documented more than 200 children raped since early 2024, including infants and toddlers. (AP News)
A UN Fact-Finding Mission concluded in September 2025 that both SAF and RSF “deliberately targeted the civilian population” in what it called “a war of atrocities”. Some acts may amount to crimes against humanity, including extermination and persecution. (The United Nations in Sudan)
These numbers do not simply reflect battlefield deaths. They include those who died from hunger, disease, lack of medical access in besieged cities, and forced displacement. In effect, they point to a full-scale breakdown of civil society, with war-time mortality layered on pre-existing vulnerabilities.
Al-Fashaga and the borderland blood-soil





While the capital and big cities drew some international attention, the borderlands often went unnoticed — especially the disputed fertile region known as al-Fashaga.
What is al-Fashaga?
Al-Fashaga is a lush agricultural stretch along the Sudan-Ethiopia frontier. For decades, Sudanese and Ethiopian farmers (often ethnic Amhara, Oromo, or Sudanese agriculturalists) cultivated this land. The border itself had been fluid for local communities, with informal arrangements allowing cross-settlement. When regional geopolitics shifted, and central authorities weakened, the land dispute exploded into violence.
Why did al-Fashaga become a killing ground?
The RSF and allied militias viewed the farmland not just as economic resource but as a strategic asset: control over it meant access to food, export routes, and local allegiance.
The ethnic composition of the farming communities rendered them vulnerable: many were non-Arabic speaking, non-“Arab” in identity, and thus perceived as “outsiders” by national-militia politics.
When fighting surged elsewhere in Sudan (Khartoum, Darfur, Kordofan), many displaced persons from al-Fashaga lacked evacuation routes; the land itself became contested and depopulated via forced expulsions, arson and killings.
What we know about atrocities connected to al-Fashaga & the wider Darfur region
In the neighboring city of El‑Fasher (Darfur region) the RSF, after a 17-month siege, were reported to have killed at least 1,500 civilians in three days, with credible claims of over 2,000 executed and bodies visible via satellite imagery. (Al Jazeera)
The UN’s rights chief warned of “large-scale, ethnically driven attacks and atrocities in El-Fasher” — the siege and bombardment being concentrated in neighborhoods such as Daraja Oula. (Al Jazeera)
The Fact-Finding Mission reported that RSF along with allied militias engaged in “mass murder, torture, enslavement, rape, sexual slavery … forced displacement and persecution on ethnic, gender and political grounds,” particularly in the Darfur region and by extension borderlands like al-Fashaga. (The United Nations in Sudan)
Although exact numbers for al-Fashaga specifically are harder to isolate, the pattern is clear: contested farmland, civilian farming communities, ethnic minority presence, militia assaults, forced expulsions, and minimal global attention.
The silence: Why the world looked elsewhere






What explains the disjunction between the scale of suffering in Sudan and the relative paucity of sustained global outrage? Several factors converge.
1. Media bandwidth and news cycles
Large crises vie for limited media bandwidth; television networks and digital outlets often prioritize conflicts with immediate geopolitical resonance to Western audiences. The conflict in Gaza and Israel, for instance, captured massive attention in early to mid-2020s. Meanwhile, Sudan’s war — complicated, fragmented, and lacking a simple human-interest narrative easily packaged for global consumption — fell largely off the front pages.
2. Race, empathy and narrative geography
Scholars have long observed that crises in the Global South, especially in Africa, tend to receive less sustained empathy and coverage than those in the Middle East or Europe. Colorism, colonial legacies, and entrenched media geographies combine to treat African suffering as “background” rather than front-row. The Sudan war subtly reinforces this bias.
3. Lack of activist infrastructure and diaspora media leveraging
Crisis visibility often depends not just on events, but on activism and organized media campaigns. The Palestinian cause, for example, has vast international networks, diaspora engagement, high-profile solidarity marches and political lobbying in Western capitals. Sudan has substantial diaspora and activism, but lacked the same cohesive amplification at the moment the war spiked, especially as many activists’ attention was absorbed by other major crises.
4. Regional distraction and fragmented African responses
Within Africa, many governments and regional organizations (African Union, etc.) were either distracted by internal problems, lacked resources to intervene, or had strategic relations with factions in Sudan. This fragmentation meant no large-scale “Africa says stop” movement could form quickly, reinforcing the narrative that Sudan was someone else’s problem.
5. Complexity and access constraints
Urban warfare in Khartoum, remote sieges in Darfur and al-Fashaga, and the deliberate targeting of hospitals and journalists have made access extremely dangerous. Communication blackouts, blocked humanitarian corridors and destroyed infrastructure mean fewer images, fewer testimonies and fewer headline-worthy moments for global media. The more chaotic a war, the quieter the world hears it.
6. Competing interests and geopolitics
Sudan’s war involves regional powers, resource interests (gold, livestock, oil), and shifting alliances. Some external states have direct or indirect links to factions, which complicates strong international responses or persistent public pressure. When major powers have mixed interests, the moral clarity required to mobilize tends to fade.
The moral cost and the long-term implications
When a large populace suffers and the global response is muted, the consequences ripple far beyond the immediate catastrophe.
Impunity grows. If atrocities proceed without sustained scrutiny or international pressure, perpetrators learn that the cost of war crimes is low. That emboldens further violence.
Victims are abandoned. Humanitarian funding, evacuation assistance, safe corridors and justice mechanisms depend on global attention. Silence means fewer resources, fewer protections, fewer survivors.
Historical narratives reshape. The stories we tell about wars matter. If Sudan’s suffering is left out of our collective memory, the victims become erased in the long run, and the lessons not learned.
Regional stability risks escalate. Sudan is Africa’s third-largest country by area and has strategic significance. A failed or fragmented Sudan destabilizes neighboring countries, refugee flows surge, and humanitarian crises expand.
Selective outrage undermines credibility. If “never again” is applied only when media cameras are rolling, then the principle is hollow. The international system risks losing legitimacy when it is seen to selectively act.
A call for sustained witness
What would a more engaged global response look like? A few invitations to action:
Maintain the spotlight. Independent media, NGOs and diaspora voices must keep reporting on Sudan — not just when a headline-grabbing massacre occurs, but every week.
Support local voices. The Sudanese people are the primary narrators of this tragedy. Amplifying their stories builds consent and accuracy.
Demand accountability. Institutions like the International Criminal Court and UN Human Rights mechanisms must be backed to investigate and prosecute atrocity crimes. (ABC)
Fund humanitarian access. Members of the global community must ensure that aid reaches besieged zones like al-Fashaga, Darfur and Kordofan, not just the major urban centers.
Reset media norms. Editors and news platforms need to move beyond “what’s trending now” and recognize that crises in Africa deserve equivalent depth of coverage and moral urgency.
Epilogue: The memory we owe
If you glance at global crisis maps of 2023-25, the impact in Sudan may appear as one of many bleeding spots. But for the millions inside the country’s battered borders, the war is not a dot, it is everything. Farmhouses burned, children starved, doctors killed, towns emptied, land stripped of its people.
Al-Fashaga stands as one symbol: contested earth turned graveyard. A place where farming rings no longer echoed laughter but muffled dread. A place where the world’s gaze dimmed while the soil soaked blood.
To remember is to resist the erasure. To care is to insist on justice. The victims of Sudan’s war, many unseen, many uncounted, deserve both. They deserve more than a footnote in a history of neglect.
Works Cited
London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine Sudan Research Group. “Death toll estimate Khartoum state April 2023–June 2024.” (See summary reports)
ACLED. “Conflict Watchlist: Sudan – foreign meddling and fragmentation.” (ACLED)
United Nations Office at Geneva. “A war of atrocities: Sudan civilians deliberately targeted, UN fact-finding mission reports international crimes on large-scale.” 05 Sept 2025. (The United Nations in Sudan)
The Times. “Inside Sudan’s forgotten war: 150,000 dead, 11 million displaced.” 6 Jan 2025. (The Times)
Reuters. “Sudan war deaths are likely much higher than recorded, researchers say.” 14 Nov 2024. (Reuters)
Le Monde. “The al-Fashaga triangle, a powder keg on the Sudanese-Ethiopian border.” Jan 2023. (Background)
Al Jazeera. “‘A true genocide’: RSF kills ‘at least 1,500 people’ in Sudan’s El-Fasher.” 29 Oct 2025. (Al Jazeera)
ABC News. “ICC warns atrocities by paramilitary group in Sudan may constitute war crimes.” 4 Nov 2025. (ABC)
